Introduction
Black Lives Matter demonstrations across the nation provided an example of the freedom of assembly protected by the Bill of Rights. This right may now be in jeopardy as bills in several state legislatures threaten peaceful gatherings and even shield citizens who attack such protesters. Fights like this—in the streets, courts, legislatures, and public opinion—are hardly unique in U.S. history. In fact, they are the main driver of political change.
The framers of the Constitution wanted a government that would not repeat the abuses of individual liberties and rights that caused them to declare independence from Britain. However, laws and other "parchment barriers" (or written documents) alone have not protected freedoms over the years; instead, citizens have learned the truth of the old saying (often attributed to Thomas Jefferson but actually said by Irish politician John Philpot Curran), "Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." The actions of ordinary citizens, lawyers, and politicians have been at the core of a vigilant effort to protect constitutional liberties.
But what are those freedoms? And how should we balance them against the interests of society and other individuals? These are the key questions we will tackle in this chapter.
Defining Civil Liberties
The U.S. Constitution—in particular, the first ten amendments that form the Bill of Rights—protects the freedoms and rights of individuals. It does not limit this protection just to citizens or adults; instead, in most cases, the Constitution simply refers to "persons," which over time has grown to mean that even children, visitors from other countries, and immigrants—permanent or temporary, legal or undocumented—enjoy the same freedoms when they are in the United States or its territories as adult citizens do.
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For example, the First Amendment denies the government the power to prohibit "the free exercise" of religion. This means that neither states nor the national government can forbid people to follow a religion of their choice, even if politicians and judges think the religion is misguided, blasphemous, or otherwise inappropriate.
Unlike most of the rest of the world at the time, U.S. citizens could even create their own faiths and recruit followers to them, even if both society and government disapprove of its tenets. That said, the way you practice your religion, like any other practice, may be regulated if it impinges on the rights of others.
The Eighth Amendment says the government cannot impose "cruel and unusual punishments" on individuals for their criminal acts—this is a civil liberty limiting what government can do.
The Declaration of Independence and Natural Rights
The idea that Americans—indeed, people in general—have fundamental rights and liberties was at the core of the arguments in favor of their independence. In writing the Declaration of Independence in 1776, Thomas Jefferson drew on the ideas of English philosopher John Locke to express the colonists' belief that they had certain inalienable or natural rights that no ruler had the power or authority to deny to their subjects.
It was a scathing legal indictment of King George III for violating the colonists' liberties. Although the Declaration of Independence does not guarantee specific freedoms, its language was instrumental in inspiring many of the states to adopt protections for civil liberties and rights in their own constitutions, and in expressing principles of the founding era that have resonated in the United States since its independence. In particular, Jefferson's words "all men are created equal" became the centerpiece of struggles for the rights of women and minorities.
+25 points! Important organization discovered!
Founded in 1920, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) is one of the oldest interest groups in the United States. The mission of this non-partisan, not-for-profit organization is "to defend and preserve the individual rights and liberties guaranteed to every person in this country by the Constitution and laws of the United States."
Many of the Supreme Court cases in this chapter were litigated by, or with the support of, the ACLU.
Civil Liberties and the Constitution
The Constitution as drafted in 1787 did not include a Bill of Rights, although the idea of including one was proposed and, after brief discussion, dismissed in the final week of the Constitutional Convention. The framers of the Constitution believed they faced much more pressing concerns than the protection of civil rights and liberties—most notably keeping the fragile union together in the light of internal unrest and external threats.
Moreover, the framers thought that they had adequately covered rights issues in the main body of the document. Indeed, the Federalists did include in the Constitution some protections against legislative acts that might restrict the liberties of citizens, based on the history of real and perceived abuses by both British kings and parliaments as well as royal governors.
In Article I, Section 9, the Constitution limits the power of Congress in three ways:
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Particularly in times of war, the government has held suspected enemy agents without access to civilian courts, often without access to lawyers or a defense:
- Civil War: President Lincoln detained suspected Confederate saboteurs and sympathizers, leading to Ex parte Milligan
- World War II: The Roosevelt administration interned Japanese Americans (Ex parte Quirin)
- Post-9/11: Bush and Obama administrations detained suspected terrorists and surveilled U.S. citizens
Hence, there have been times in our history when national security issues trumped individual liberties.
The Federalist-Anti-Federalist Debate
The Federalists reasoned that the limited set of named or enumerated powers of Congress, along with the limitations in Article I, Section 9, would suffice, and that no separate bill of rights was needed. Writing as Publius in Federalist No. 84, Alexander Hamilton argued that the Constitution was "merely intended to regulate the general political interests of the nation" rather than contend with "the regulation of every species of personal and private concerns."
Hamilton went on to argue that listing some rights might actually be dangerous, because it would provide a pretext for people to claim that rights not included in such a list were not protected.
Anti-Federalists argued that the Federalists' position was incorrect and perhaps even insincere. The Anti-Federalists believed provisions such as the so-called elastic clause in Article I, Section 8 would allow Congress to legislate on matters well beyond those foreseen by the Constitution's authors. Thus, they held that a bill of rights was necessary.
+25 points! Anti-Federalist perspective revealed!
One of the Anti-Federalists, Brutus (believed to be Robert Yates), wrote:
"The powers, rights, and authority, granted to the general government by this Constitution, are as complete, with respect to every object to which they extend, as that of any state government—It reaches to every thing which concerns human happiness—Life, liberty, and property, are under its controul [sic]."
The experience of the past two centuries has suggested that the Anti-Federalists may have been correct—the scope and powers of the national government are much broader today than in 1787.
The Bill of Rights
The struggle to have rights clearly delineated and the decision of the framers to omit a bill of rights from the Constitution nearly derailed the ratification process. While some states were willing to ratify without any further guarantees, in some of the larger states—New York and Virginia in particular—the Constitution's lack of specified rights became a serious point of contention.
To secure majorities in favor of ratification in New York and Virginia, as well as Massachusetts, the Federalists agreed to consider incorporating provisions suggested by the ratifying states as amendments to the Constitution.
Ultimately, James Madison delivered on this promise by proposing a package of amendments in the First Congress, drawing from the Declaration of Rights in the Virginia state constitution, suggestions from the ratification conventions, and other sources. Ten of the amendments were successfully ratified and became known as the Bill of Rights.
| Amendment | Rights Protected |
|---|---|
| First Amendment | Right to freedoms of religion and speech; right to assemble and to petition the government for redress of grievances; right to a free press |
| Second Amendment | Right to keep and bear arms to maintain a well-regulated militia |
| Third Amendment | Right to not house soldiers during time of war |
| Fourth Amendment | Right to be secure from unreasonable search and seizure |
| Fifth Amendment | Rights in criminal cases, including due process and indictment by grand jury for capital crimes, as well as the right not to testify against oneself |
| Sixth Amendment | Right to a speedy trial by an impartial jury |
| Seventh Amendment | Right to a jury trial in civil cases |
| Eighth Amendment | Right to not face excessive bail, excessive fines, or cruel and unusual punishment |
| Ninth Amendment | Rights retained by the people, even if they are not specifically enumerated by the Constitution |
| Tenth Amendment | States' rights to powers not specifically delegated to the federal government |
Extending the Bill of Rights to the States
In the decades following the Constitution's ratification, the Supreme Court declined to expand the Bill of Rights to curb the power of the states, most notably in the 1833 case of Barron v. Baltimore. In this case, which dealt with property rights under the Fifth Amendment, the Supreme Court unanimously decided that the Bill of Rights applied only to actions by the federal government, not state or local governments.
The festering issue of the rights of enslaved persons and the convulsions of the Civil War and its aftermath forced a reexamination of this thinking. Soon after slavery was abolished by the Thirteenth Amendment, state governments—particularly those in the former Confederacy—began to pass "Black codes" that restricted the rights of formerly enslaved people, including the right to hold office, own land, or vote, relegating them to second-class citizenship.
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The Supreme Court has ruled that states don't have to use grand juries as long as they ensure people accused of crimes are indicted using an equally fair process.
When the Supreme Court initially decided in 2008 that the Second Amendment protects an individual's right to keep and bear arms (District of Columbia v. Heller), it did not decide then that it was a fundamental liberty the states must uphold as well. It was only in the McDonald v. Chicago case two years later (2010) that the Supreme Court incorporated the Second Amendment into state law.
In Near v. Minnesota (1931), the Court disagreed with state courts regarding censorship and ruled it unconstitutional except in rare cases.